Equal Employment Opportunity Commission chairman Gilbert Casellas last month 
  appointed John
  Rowe, the director of the EEOC's Chicago district office, as acting general 
  counsel for the
  agency. An EEOC spokeswoman praised Mr. Rowe for sharing a common vision with 
  Mr.
  Casellas and cited the Chicago EEOC's frequent pattern-and-practice discrimination 
  lawsuits, as
  the Daily Labor Report noted. The administration is appointing a commission 
  to study the future
  of affirmative action. But the Clintonites' evident approval for Mr. Rowe and 
  his Chicago
  operations says a lot more about their attitude toward quotas than any white 
  paper ever will.
Despite several trouncings of the agency by federal judges, the EEOC office 
  in Chicago continues
  suing area businesses over almost any procedure that results in an "inappropriate" 
  number of
  minority employees. It spent seven years suing Consolidated Services Co., a 
  janitorial service
  owned by Koreans. Federal Judge Richard Posner noted in a 1993 decision: "There 
  is no direct
  evidence of discrimination. . . . Mr. Hwang relies on word of mouth to obtain 
  employees rather
  than reaching out to a broader community less heavily Korean. It is the cheapest 
  method of
  recruitment. . . . Hwang did buy newspaper advertisements on three occasions 
  . . . but these ads
  resulted in zero hires. . . . The EEOC was unable . . . to find a single person 
  out of the 99 rejected
  non-Koreans who could show that he or she was interested in a job that Mr. Hwang 
  ever hired for."
Judge Posner concluded, "It would be a bitter irony if the federal agency 
  dedicated to enforcing
  the antidiscrimination laws succeeded in using those laws to kick [immigrants] 
  off the ladder by
  compelling them to institute costly systems of hiring."
Bruce Spitzer, the lawyer for Consolidated Services, observed that the EEOC 
  demanded that the
  firm pay $475,000 in "back pay" primarily to people who never worked 
  for the company as a
  penalty for its alleged discrimination. The EEOC reached that sum simply by 
  calculating that,
  since 95% of laborers in Chicago are non-Asians, Consolidated was guilty of 
  discrimination
  whenever its workforce was more than 5% Korean. The EEOC assumed that the fact 
  that the
  company's employees were almost all Korean proved its guilt, according to Mr. 
  Spitzer.
The EEOC spent six years hounding Chicago Miniature Lamp Works because, according 
  to the
  EEOC's bogus computer model, the company had a shortage of blacks on its payroll. 
  Yet, the
  company hired a higher percentage of black applicants than white applicants. 
  A federal appeals
  court concluded in 1991, "It is clear that Miniature was held liable because 
  there were relatively
  few blacks in its applicant pool as compared to the number of entry-level black 
  workers in
  Chicago." Yet, the factory was in a Hispanic and Asian part of Chicago, 
  and the judges, in
  rejecting the EEOC's claims, concluded that relative commuting distance was 
  too important to be ignored.
The EEOC sued Daniel Lamp Co. in 1991 for allegedly discriminating against 
  blacks. The
  company was in a Hispanic neighborhood in Chicago and relied on Hispanic organizations 
  to refer
  job-seekers. All of the company's 26 employees were either black or Hispanic. 
  The EEOC ran a
  computer test, compared Daniel Lamp to much larger employers within a three-mile 
  radius and
  informed the company that it was guilty of breaking federal law because it did 
  not have 8.45 black
  employees. The EEOC also based its lawsuit on the complaint of one black woman 
  who applied
  but was not hired.
The EEOC ordered the company to pay the woman back wages of $340 -- and also 
  to advertise
  to find other blacks who might not have applied for work there and to pay them 
  $123,000 for
  back pay for work they never did. EEOC officials publicly asserted that Daniel 
  Lamp had refused
  to hire any blacks, but "60 Minutes" investigated and found that during 
  the time that the EEOC
  said Daniel Lamp was discriminating, the company had actually hired 11 black 
  employees. The
  company eventually settled the EEOC's lawsuit by agreeing to pay $8,000 a year 
  for three years
  into a settlement fund.
The commission is currently trying to fry Koch Poultry Co. for hiring too many 
  Hispanics and not
  enough blacks.
Mark Kaminsky, the Chicago-based chicken company's chief financial officer, 
  recounted the
  EEOC's demands to Chicago Tribune columnist Mike Royko: "They told us that 
  we were
  supposed to take out newspaper ads that asked for people who might have applied 
  for a job, or if
  they were thinking about applying with us, so they might be entitled to a financial 
  settlement.
  They said they wanted $5.2 million. They never put that in writing, but the 
  EEOC investigator
  spelled it out for us. Of course, the entire company isn't worth that much, 
  so we told them no
  way, we can't afford it." The EEOC has since reduced its settlement demand 
  to $800,000.
Mr. Kaminsky told me on March 27 that EEOC officials really don't have any 
  specific individuals
  whom the company supposedly discriminated against. "It is like being guilty 
  by association --
  since you have all these Hispanics, you must have discriminated," he said. 
  The company has spent
  about $250,000 defending itself so far.
The EEOC devastated O&G Spring & Wire Forms Specialty Co., a Chicago 
  metal- forming shop
  started by Ted Grzeszkiewicz, who immigrated to the U.S. from communist Poland. 
  O&G hired
  mostly Polish immigrants who spoke no English, as well as many Hispanics, and 
  had roughly 50
  workers. The EEOC investigated the company and found it guilty of discriminating 
  against blacks
  between 1979 and 1985. Based on the EEOC's analysis of the Chicago labor market, 
  22% of
  O&G's labor force should have been black. At trial, the EEOC could not produce 
  one black
  witness who had applied to fill a job vacancy at the company.
Yet, federal Judge Harry Leinenweber found the company guilty. He ordered the 
  company to pay
  $8,000 for EEOC newspaper ads inviting blacks to file a claim for benefits regardless 
  of whether
  they'd ever applied for a job at O&G; 451 responded to the ad.
The EEOC made no attempt to check any of the claims for fraud -- some of the 
  people who
  claimed to have been victims of discrimination were apparently in prison at 
  the time (and thus
  could not possibly have worked at the company), as federal appeals Judge Daniel 
  Manion noted in
  October 1994. Yet, as long as they were black, that was enough for the EEOC 
  to classify them as
  deserving victims.
Judge Manion, dissenting on an appeals court decision that upheld the lower 
  court's ruling,
  declared: "The facts of this case demonstrate that the EEOC not only neglected 
  its responsibility,
  it abused its power." Judge Manion noted that the EEOC's "statistical 
  model was more than
  unscientific, it was completely misleading" and "borders on bad faith." 
  He also noted that at least
  one person who the EEOC claimed had filed a formal statement alleging discrimination 
  denied
  ever making such a complaint.
How ironic that a man like Mr. Grzeszkiewicz, who escaped from a communist 
  government in
  order to breathe the air of freedom, should have seen practically the entire 
  net worth of his
  business destroyed by the costs of an abusive federal prosecution. The EEOC 
  is now using the
  precedent to bring other federal cases against employers around the country.
Deval Patrick, assistant attorney general for civil rights, declared last September 
  that the word
  "quota" is merely "a derisive and divisive term . . . used to 
  try to discredit civil rights
  enforcement." Yet, Judge Leinenweber, adopting language almost verbatim 
  from the EEOC brief,
  ruled in the O&G case that "gross disparities between an employer's 
  applicant flow, hiring or
  work force and its relevant labor market show the existence of discriminatory 
  employment
  practices." Thus, a mere shortage of properly pigmented job applicants 
  is enough to turn a
  business into a criminal enterprise.
Simply because a judge or a bureaucrat does not whisper the word "quota" 
  when he holds his
  statistical gun to a businessman's head does not change the nature of the government's 
  coercion.
  The Republican congressional leadership must find the courage to confront, expose 
  and shut
  down the EEOC's quota machine.
---
Mr. Bovard writes often on public policy.
(See related letter: "Letters to the Editor: Our Noble Mission Is Still Viable" -- WSJ May 16, 1995)
950427-0139
  5/16/95 Wall St. J. A19
1995 WL-WSJ 8714612
 The Wall Street Journal
  Copyright (c) 1995, Dow Jones & Co., Inc.
  Tuesday, May 16, 1995
  Letters to the Editor: Our Noble Mission Is Still Viable
Opponents of the active enforcement of our civil rights laws for some time 
  have sought to brand
  nearly all antidiscrimination efforts with the "quota" label. A recent 
  example is James Bovard's
  April 27 editorial-page piece "The Latest EEOC Quota Madness." As 
  chairman of the U.S. Equal
  Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), I must set the record straight. Mr. 
  Bovard's case
  is both weak and misinformed. His argument apparently is based on the erroneous 
  notion that the
  use of statistical evidence in discrimination cases -- something that has been 
  approved by the
  courts for many years -- is tantamount to the imposition of quotas. As a matter 
  of fact and law,
  this is not true.
Furthermore, Mr. Bovard discusses only five cases of the hundreds of thousands 
  that have been
  filed with the commission over the past decade. His premise that these five 
  cases suggest a general
  EEOC enforcement policy that cares only about numbers and abstract statistics 
  without regard for
  legitimate business interests is without basis. Moreover, he leaps to the conclusion 
  that this
  alleged abusive and overbearing policy is enforced wholeheartedly by the "Clintonites."
  Unfortunately, in his zeal to criticize President Clinton, Mr. Bovard conveniently 
  ignores the fact
  that four out of the five allegedly "abusive" lawsuits were approved 
  by EEOC commissioners
  appointed by Presidents Reagan and Bush, including Clarence Thomas, with the 
  fifth dating back
  to the Carter administration. I did not vote on any of these cases, nor did 
  either of my two
  colleagues appointed by President Clinton.
That said, after carefully reviewing our files on these cases, I can state 
  with certainty that they
  were not frivolous or abusive. Not one of them involved a quota. There was no 
  hiring by the
  numbers, no demand to bring in unqualified workers, and no effort to achieve 
  racial balance. Of
  the five, two were resolved favorably and one is still pending, and of the two 
  we lost, we received
  a favorable ruling at the district-court level only to be overturned on appeal. 
  Furthermore, I am
  particularly bothered by Mr. Bovard's vilification of the EEOC's Chicago District 
  Office, which
  received the underlying charges and was responsible for the lawsuits. The Chicago 
  office has an
  admirable enforcement record, having obtained more than $100 million in relief 
  during the past
  five years for real victims of discrimination.
In his effort to stoke the fires of the current national debate over affirmative 
  action, Mr. Bovard
  fails to acknowledge either the extraordinary challenges facing the commission 
  or the monumental
  changes we "Clintonites" have made in the past six months to fundamentally 
  reform the way the
  agency operates. We have made enormous strides in reversing the course of the 
  EEOC, including
  rescission of a number of enforcement policies adopted in the 1980s that contributed 
  in great part
  to the administrative bottleneck. Just two weeks ago, by unanimous commission 
  vote at a public
  meeting, we adopted priority case handling to allow our staff appropriate discretion 
  in
  determining which cases merit our time and resources and which should be dismissed 
  early on.
  Furthermore, last week we unanimously adopted a position supporting the use 
  of mediation-based
  alternative dispute resolution in our administrative process. And we have taken 
  all of these steps
  only after making our best efforts to consult with and be responsive to our 
  many constituencies --
  employee groups, the civil rights community and business. While these actions 
  may not sound
  revolutionary, I can assure you they illustrate profound changes in the way 
  this agency will
  operate in the future.
More than 30 years ago, the EEOC was created and charged with a noble mission 
  -- to eradicate
  unlawful discrimination in the workplace. Unfortunately, despite what many would 
  like to believe,
  employment discrimination continues as a widespread and pernicious problem. 
  The almost
  100,000 employment discrimination charges we receive annually provide abundant 
  testimony of
  the extent of the problem.
Gilbert F. Casellas
Chairman
EEOC
Washington
(See related letter: "Letters to the Editor: He Says It's Not So, Therefore 
  It Isn't" -- WSJ May 26,
  1995)
950516-0008
YY95 MM05
  The Wall Street Journal
  Copyright (c) 1995, Dow Jones & Co., Inc.
  Friday, May 26, 1995
  Letters to the Editor: He Says It's Not So, Therefore It Isn't
Regarding the May 16 Letter from Gilbert F. Casellas, chairman of the Equal 
  Employment
  Opportunity Commission, "Our Noble Mission Is Still Viable": The only 
  thing viable in Mr.
  Casellas's response to James Bovard's April 27 editorial-page article, "The 
  Latest EEOC Quota
  Madness," was the clarity of how badly he and the Clintonites miss the 
  point. He cites areas to
  refute, then simply avoids presenting any refutation in the way of facts. His 
  logic is based on
  denial of the premise, not providing information to the contrary. The cases 
  cited from the Chicago
  EEOC office were examples of extortion, duly noted by Mr. Casellas's gleeful 
  accounting
  "[EEOC] having obtained more than $100 million in relief during the past 
  five years. . . ."
He further stated, regarding the Chicago cases: "Not one of them involved 
  a quota." The
  dictionary calls quota "the share or proportional part of the total which 
  belongs to a group" and
  seems exactly what was ripped from the hapless businesses in Chicago.
I suggest Mr. Casellas and the Clintonites alike wake up and look at their 
  extortion for what it is,
  and spend less of their time formulating editorial responses without anything 
  but circular logic.
Scott G. Howard
Denver
---- INDEX REFERENC